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ARMAN FIGUEROA & ALNIE DALUYAYA

D I S C O V E R Y   S H O R E S  > Boracay Island Philippines

HAIR & MAKEUP > MADGE LEJANO + STEVE PAGSANJAN / { The MakeUp Studio }

VIDEO > MAYAD STUDIOS / COORDINATION > AMANDA TIROL

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Let me share to you a jQuery UI sample and hope this will help you to start coding with jquery for your website development.

A Basic Example of JQuery's UI.Dialog Dynamically Loading an URL with an IFRAME

Stylesheet required by the Frameworks
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jquery.js
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test.html

Just simply download the files above and save in your computer.

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Blogs, General, Personal

ALDOUS ALINGOG & LEAH SORIANO

Shot on Location > UP DILIMAN / AYALA HEIGHTS Quezon City

CONCEPT + STYLING > GEOF GONZALES of ILoveYou Store

PRODUCTION DESIGN > BIANCA HOLGANZA of ILoveYou Store

PRODUCTION ASSISTANTS > DARYL RECINA + JAM SAN PEDRO

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Naga City, Philippines


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PHOEBEN TEOCSON + GEN BRIONES

Vivere Suites / St James Parish Alabang / Fernbrook Gardens

Video / { Phoeben Teocson } + { Jason Magbanua }

Tux / Randy Ortiz . Gown / Cecilio Abad

Hair & MakeUp / Ogie Rayel + Angie Cruz

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T H E   H E I R   T O   T H E   T H R O N E   O F   J A S O N   M A G B A N U A F I N A L L Y   T I E S   T H E   K N O T

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AVP > Phoeben Teocson

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With the help of freebies, chedeng!!Miss doing this... really...


My Dining Place: http://www.mydiningplace.com.sg

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A consultation meeting with the Bicol Association of Catholic Schools(BACS)-member schools(represented by their respective Directors for the Office of Student Affairs) was conducted 10am-12 this morning at the Board Room of the Ateneo de Naga University.

Represented in the meeting are the following schools/universities: Ateneo de Naga University, Universidad de Santa Isabel, Sta. Clara College, Divine Word College of Legazpi City, Aemilianum College and St. Louise de Marillac College of Sorsogon City, Liceo de Masbate, and the La Consolacion College of Daet, Camarines Norte.

BACS, as the local chapter of Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines (CEAP), is preparing to mobilize faculty, personnel, and students for engagement in the 2010 elections.

Fr. Joel E. Tabora SJ, President of the Ateneo de Naga University and of the BACS, attended the consultation meeting. Atty. Minetta Estanislao of the Archdiocese of Caceres Council of the Laity and the PPCCRV Coordinator for the archdiocese was also in attendance.

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ADNU Hosts Mayoral Fora

The University Social Involvement (USIC) - Committee on Socio-Political Education and Involvement (CSPEAI) and the Social Sciences Department of the Ateneo de Naga University (ADNU) teamed up to hold mayoral forums entitled Safeguarding 2010 and Beyond: Getting to Know the Candidates last 18 February 2010.

The first of the two forums was held at ADNU’s Gymnansium from 9-12 o’clock and featured four Naga city mayoral candidates – Atty. Adan Botor, former City Councilor Luis Ortega, Incumbent City Councilor Atty. John Bongat and former City Mayor and former Camarines Sur 2nd District Representative Sulpicio Roco.

The forum was divided into three parts. The first part gives the candidates 20 minutes to answer key issues on Governance, Environment, Economics, Peace and Order, Education, Arts and Culture and Social Services. The second series of questions came from the panelists composed of Office of Student Affairs (OSA) Director Atty. Jo Aileen Cabiles, Arts and Sciences faculty member Bernadette Gumba, Noel Amador of University Student Recruitment Office (USRO) and Ateneo Personnel Club (APC) and Jose Rizal Model Student Chanelle Anne Allorde. For this part the candidates was given only two minutes to answer questions. The third and last series of questions, pre-screened by a technical board, came from the audience consisting of students of Naga city. For this part the questions range from the pertinent “What’s your stand in the RH bill?” to the revealing “If you won, will you appoint one of your rivals as city administrator? If yes, who will it be?” The question which solicited much interest and applause from the crowd was “If you’re not running, who will you vote for among your rivals?”

The second forum was held at Instructional Media Center (IMC) form 1:30- 4 in the afternoon. Resource persons for the event were mayoral candidates of the municipality of Pili composed of former municipal mayor Tomas Bongalonta, incumbent municipal mayor Romy Salazar, Atty. Noreen San Luis and Dexter Morano.

This forum likewise followed the three section format. Panelists were Deputy Academic Vice president for Formation Janet Badong-Badilla, OSA Director Atty. Jo Aileen Cabiles, Noel Amador of USRO and APC and Glenn Fabia of the Supreme Student Government-Student Tribunal.

Elmer Abad III served as the forum’s Master of Ceremonies.

The event was meant to educate voters. Over 800 participants joined the two forums.

— Rex Perez
http://www.adnu.edu.ph/NewsAndEvents/02192010d.asp

Blogs, Personal

I may not write exquisitely the way our local journalist does but I guess I am entitled for my point of view (in my own space) of Bicol Mail editorial titled “Cat out of the bag” dated Feb 4, 2010.  Found a copy and saw the editorial cartoon, well, it was awesomely drawn.  I have to admit I don’t read much local papers because news are available everyday in details over the radio for free.  I am just a bit touchy because they’ve mentioned the Naga City website which I am a part of.  If you’re interested you can read the entire article here.

On the substance of Ordinance 98-033 that leaves a strange taste in the mouth and the amortization takes 10 years and enough to cover three-terms for local politicians  and what qualifies as urban poor settlers…

I did not attend (or have never attended such forums), you may have a valid point there but I am also sure these were done in dialogue with the urban poor sector representatives and other independent parties as well.  In as much as I (personally) look at this urban housing program as spoiling the poor but I also believe that the city is giving them an opportunity to level off with society.   The 10 year period allotted for their amortization to fully settle their obligations is just.  Go ask GSIS, SSS or PAG-IBIG for that matter.  For me, the city is aiding them to empower themselves to do better in life.  What sinister in the design?  Would you rather offer a piece of land cheaper those outside your constituency?  That would be pretty darn brainless when your mandate is for specific area only (in these case, Naga City), let other Local Chief Executives work on their housing issues.  Swerte  man nindang marhay kayan!

On the issue about political oligarchy in the city and the ordinance becoming a medium for the “perpetuation in power” of a local official …

Political oligarchs in the city, sounds like a movie to me.  Who are they?  Perhaps the father and son who has held the Capitol and Second District for so long and has been jumping from one political party to another like changing diapers, that’s an oligarch for you.  But what the heck, it’s the electorates’ decision let them suffer for their wrong choices.  Has the church in decades help the flight of urban poor dwellers having owned vast lands here?  They would rather preach “go on and multiply” and point fingers to the government when problems related to ballooning populace reach its tipping point.  What has Naga really done for the past 20 years compared to other Bicol cities with its obvious handicap?  Let yourself be the judge.  If you have lived in Naga that long you probably won’t need statistical data.  Population has grown due migrants because they believe they’ll have a better chance of livelihood here.

As published in the website of Naga City, the budget for 2009 consists only of 33 pages. For these much pages, the city government claims transparency. But the budget actually consists of more or less 138 pages. Much of what are not published in the website —- the unpublished 133 pages —- are the more interesting pages of the budget.

True, the website is work-in-progress and will always be; because there are still lots to offer online.  Seems to me you dipped your finger at the wrong pie.  Again how many local government have done such practice?  You need to widen you horizon, name one local goverment (or national agencies) as detail as this website in terms of budget posting.  I bet you can’t find one in the Philippines, or even Southeast Asia for that matter.  So what made you so cranky?

Interesting?  To who?  The budget as you said is more than 138 pages but are they really relevant?  I think vacant positions are management prerogatives, if the current personnel roster can do their jobs. Excellent! I would keep the post vacant and wait for the ideal staff comes along.  Perhaps, you need to research and dig deeper where the funds went; I bet you at the end you would be surprised that one vacant has kept five people their job for years and fed their families.

Were one to ask a copy of this budget, a printing fee of P50 per page is demanded by the City Government, which evidently is very prohibitive…

It’s already available online, what part of the book interests you more, does personnel complement value more for you?  If it does I guess anyone have the right to ask for it as long as the purpose is valid.  Besides not everything in life is free, you in the news business are you giving your ads for free?  Or have you tried asking the Budget Officer to lend you the book and have it photocopied instead?

Filed under: Drama King Tagged: Bicol Mail

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Interesting framework drafted by Dilaab Foundation Inc. (www.dilaab.com) for voters discerning on their choices: LASER TEST

Lifestyle:
Does he/she have unexplained wealth?

Action:
How will he fight against corruption and drug money in government while remaining a person of integrity?

Supporters:
Is the candidate close to corrupt individuals and/or drug lords?

Election conduct:
Does he buy votes and does his campaign funds come from dirty money?

Reputation:
Has the candidate been involved in corruption and/or drug issues in the past?

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AARON CHAN & ANGELA GARCIA

S h o t   o n   l o c a t i o n  / { Serendra O N E + Bonifacio High Street Philippines }

M a k e U p / { Leo Posadas } . _H a i r / {Felicity Son + Gino Ferrer } . _S t y l i n g / { Geof Gonzales of ILoveYou }

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{ E N D }

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Administrators, faculty members, personnel, and student leaders of Ateneo de Naga University attended the PINOY VOTERS ACADEMY Trainers Training conducted last 23 January 2010 at the Cardinal Sin Center, Loyola School of Theology, Ateneo de Manila University in Quezon City. The training was provided by the Simbahang Lingkod Bayan.

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MY FORMER City Hall colleague, Jessie Natividad, must have been following my ongoing conversation with Atty. Che Carpio.

When I woke up this morning, I got an email from him containing the link to Carpio's latest column, which Vox Bikol published in its website a day after our face-to-face at the Ateneo when he talked about Kaantabay sa Kauswagan, Naga's urban poor housing project.

I of course obliged him with the following reply:

Dear Attorney Carpio:

This pertains to your latest column entitled “Tinimbang Ka Ngunit Kulang,” which continues to amuse me.

First off, this is an ongoing conversation between us. Since I first emailed you last Jan 17, you will take note that the message came from my email address; and it was my name that appeared as its author. It is only in your mind that it was Mayor Jesse Robredo responding, not I.

Having said that, anyone interested in finding out what I emailed you the second time around can check my weblog. I stand by what I wrote; if your or anybody else’s sensibilities are offended, then I’m sorry for that and the attending hurt or discomfort. But I will never apologize for correcting distortions and data selectivity that would amount to intellectual dishonesty.

Let me now address your clarifications point by point:

1. The only reason why the S&P report is not available in the website is because S&P marked it confidential. That much is clear from my email to Julma when I forwarded it to her per your request.

2. To the contrary, your claim that “intermediate is a dismal 50% rating” and a “failing mark”” is what I will call a spin. Because nowhere in that report did S&P conclude that way. They were your simplistic conclusions that do not do justice at all to the report in its entirety.

Consider, for example, the following snippets from the Financial Management Assessment (FMA) Report’s “Overview of Naga City’s key strengths and weakness” (underscoring mine):

Not withstanding the systemic constraints and institutional weaknesses afflicting Naga City, the strongest areas of financial management which drive the overall score for the city government include annual budgeting at Intermediate, financial reporting and disclosure at Intermediate Plus and debt management at Intermediate Minus.

Despite the lack of budgeting or accounting software, the city has been accurate in its budgeting performance on both revenue and expenditure. And as mentioned, its audited financial statements are free of material qualifications, a rarity among Philippines LGUs. This is a significant driving factor behind the city’s overall score as well. Naga city has also proven to have the capacity to managed debt and demonstrated a relatively high level of quality in its debt monitoring.

…

The city’s financial statements had received clean audit opinions from COA in the last few years. No notable discrepancies appeared on Naga’s audited statements except for the usual inconsistency in the valuation of physical assets, and COA reported that the city is expected to resolve them by end 2008. Naga’s transparency in its reporting of financial performance is also noteworthy, with the comprehensive publishing of its annual budget, interim annual and quarterly financial statements released on a timely basis on the city website. However its financial reporting score is constrained by the lack of accounting software that would potentially reduce paperwork and offer easier access to financial information within the city administration. Nonetheless, Naga has still managed to consistently produce reliable financial statements despite the lack of electronic solutions.

Likewise, despite the absence of any budgeting software, Naga’s annual budgeting performances have been strong and demonstrated relative accuracy on both revenue and expenditure planning. It is conservative on revenue budgeting, with final outcome more often than not exceeding initial budgeted amount. Correspondingly, expenditure outturn has been lower by an average of 1.6% from budgeted amounts in the period 2005-2007 (albeit with some volatility from year to year). Though Naga’s annual budgeting process is still largely characterized by incremental-based, it is one of the few LGUs to have at least adopt some form of programmatic expenditure planning. Currently, around 15%-20% of the city’s budget is estimated to be program-based.

The Naga city government demonstrate adequate capacity in debt management. Unlike most LGUs who have monthly debt repayment automatically deducted from their monthly IRA transfers, the Naga administration keeps good track of its amortization schedule and issue checks on timely basis to directly repay lending banks. Furthermore, all of the city’s loans are negotiated with clauses that allow prepayment without penalties. The city government actively monitors borrowing rates and would seek cheaper refinancing whenever the opportunity arises. However, like most LGUs, Naga’s debt management score is weakened by the lack of a coherent and explicit debt policy. Alleviating this is that the city’s medium-term investment plan (LDIP) has acted as a pseudo-debt policy of the current administration.

Together with the FMA is the Credit Rating Report on Naga, whose section entitled “Comparative Analysis” contains the following:

International peers
The Russian entities of Nizhny Novgorod (BB-/Stable/--) and Tver Oblast (B+/Negative/--), as well as the Ukrainian capital city of Kyiv (CCC+/Watch Neg/--) and the Turkish city of Istanbul (BB-/Negative/--) are suitable international peers for the City of Naga (which is was given a credit rating of BB-/Stable)

…

Like some of its peers, the City of Naga has been able to partially fund aggressive capital expenditure programs in recent years with operating surpluses, which has helped to limit its borrowing requirements. However, the overall average level of capital expenditure relative to total expenditure reported by Naga (18.5%) is still below that for its international peers (30%) from 2005-2007. Although its physical infrastructure is relatively well-maintained by national standards, it is largely inadequate in the international context.

Naga’s direct debt level has been steadily declining, unlike Istanbul’s. Coupled with a healthy and fast-rising cash position, the city’s overall debt profile is favourable and compares well to that of Nizhny Novgorod. Likewise, Naga’s strong budgetary performance stands out among its peer group. However, this is in part a function of the city’s weaker capacity to administer capital projects (stemming from lack of benefits of scale), and also a function of the systemic borrowing constraints faced by Philippine local governments.

Local peers
Unlike its domestic peers who are located in Metro Manila like Quezon City, Taguig and Mandaluyong, who have relatively more diversified service-base economies, Naga is predominately engaged in the agrarian sector. The lack of a distinct geographic or industrial advantage has resulted in lower property value and smaller-scale businesses operating in Naga, which in turn limits the city’s real property and business tax collection. In mitigation, its local economy has been relatively more insulated than Metro Manila peers in this current global downturn. In addition, outside the capital region, Naga’s tax base and per capita income would compare more favorably than those of Iligan and Tacloban.

…

The city’s budgetary performance is nevertheless stronger than all rated Philippines cities, despite the fact that other cities have far more revenue streams at their disposal. This reflects to some extent the more advanced financial management practices of the Naga city government than its peers. Likewise, despite its more limited resources, Naga has been able to maintain robust liquidity coverage and a direct debt burden better than the average for its peer group.

This is hardly the picture of a “failing” city and its local government.

This is precisely why I challenged Vox Bikol to publish it wholly and let its readers decide. To me, it is an unadulterated take on the strengths and weaknesses of the city’s economy and the city government’s stewardship of its financial resources.

I will have to check if our point person in this credit rating project has already secured the needed clearance from S&P to publish the report in the city website. If yes, rest assured that we will make it available. Nonetheless, I am uploading the report in my blog, albeit unofficially, because I believe that its potential to educate us clearly outweighs its confidential nature.

3. I am happy that you have now acknowledged Naga’s score relative to its peers, the glaring omission that actually prompted that “intellectual dishonesty” remark in my previous email. Consequently, I will now gladly reconsider that assertion.

4. I will concede your point on the scope of that World Bank-funded pilot project, which is only limited to eight cities thus far. But I am confident that this inference is in order for the following reasons:

• To have been considered, and more importantly, included in a pilot project on the credit rating of Philippine cities (out of the 120, because the League of Cities of the Philippines is still contesting the controversial SC decision affirming the cityhood of the other 16) already says enough about Naga. The mayor’s SOCR already covered this. But clearly, there is something about Naga that merited the Bank’s attention.
• Quezon City, the richest LGU in the Philippines today, is among the pilot cities. So are Marikina, incidentally the most innovative and most awarded city in Metro Manila; Mandaluyong, Malabon and Taguig. But as you yourself acknowledged, albeit grudgingly, Naga more than held its own compared to these richer localities and their much more diversified economies. Unlike you, I therefore like our chances.
  
• Your asides about transparency notwithstanding, the report clearly recognized, and it bears repeating here, that “Naga City is the only city assessed so far to have consistently received a clean opinion from COA on its financial statements, which placed the quality of its financial reporting considerably above domestic peers.” I have every reason to believe we will continue to be so, even if credit rating covers the entire universe of Philippine LGUs.
  
• My experience with Philippine local governments -- and my work on public education has brought me to a number -- is that for the most part, they have continuing difficulty with disclosure and openness in regard to their finances. (For instance, I will be very interested to see whether the CWC is making money or not. By the way, I have written COA twice, requesting that it put online its 2008 Audit Reports for the Bicol cities and provinces; thus far, they have only obliged us with Masbate province and city.) To my knowledge, and of course I will be happy to be corrected on this matter, only Naga publishes its proposed and approved annual budget, as well as its quarterly financial statements.

5. Finally, that “consuelo de bobo” thing again highlights the fundamental difference in our respective positions: you may have become a little more honest in laying down the facts, but the “half-empty” perspective continues to color your opinion.

In your static world view, that condescending put-down (that Naga merely topped the class of Philippine failures) is consistent with your negative perspective; if one reads closely, it smugly implies that Philippine cities do not have what it takes to be world-class – simply because their best started out with a measly “Intermediate” rating when S&P first came to local shores, courtesy of the World Bank.

In that world view, its credit rating of BB-/Stable for foreign currencies – mind you, better than the capital cities of Ukraine and Turkey; BB+/Stable for local currencies; and AA+ in the national rating system -- only a shade lower than AAA, S&P’s top investment grade given to “the best quality borrowers, reliable and stable” -- it proposes for Philippine local governments do not matter at all.

Unfortunately for you, the Naga city government not only looks at the glass half-full, but believes it is our responsibility to fill it up the brim. Instead of sulking and fault-finding, we celebrate affirmations that come our way, like that S&P report, because they tell us we must have doing some things well and right all along. Thankfully, its FMA points out precisely where and what we need to do make the system better. I am confident that our current and next leaders are as bullish about the future and have the same positive, can-do attitude.

Again, I will not take it against you: you are entitled to your beliefs, in the same manner that I am entitled to a vigorous defense of the city’s position against continuing distortions that mask reality.

And I don’t have be a Mayor Robredo to be able to do it.:)

Those interested in the S&P report can go check the following:

Credit Analysis of Naga City

Financial Management Assessment (FMA) Report on Naga City

Appendix - Overview of the Philippine Inter-Government System

Blogs, Personal

THIS PHILIPPINE STAR story should give pause to the unabated media war being prosecuted by the media groups of Rep. Dato Arroyo and San Fernando Mayor Perry Mabulo, aided by Gov. L-Ray "Bebe Ko" Villafuerte.

If the SC decision penned by Justice Antonio Carpio were to serve as precedent, they may just end up -- together with DBM Secretary Nonoy Andaya and Rep. Luis Villafuerte, author of the bill reapportioning what used to be the 1st and 2nd Districts of Camarines Sur -- holding an empty bag, owners of a pyrrhic victory that caps the total unraveling of yet another best-laid scheme of mice and men by the Partido Lakas-Kampi (PALAKA) coalition.

The key portion of the story, found towards the end, deserves to be quoted fully:

‘Invalidate splitting of Camsur’

Meanwhile, sources in the House of Representatives said the SC could also invalidate the splitting of the first congressional district of Camarines Sur.

They said like Malolos, the two districts do not meet the population requirement of 250,000 per legislative constituency as prescribed by the Constitution.

President Arroyo’s son Diosdado is the incumbent representative of Camarines Sur’s first district, which has been split into two.

The new district is composed of the towns of Libmanan, Pamplona, Pasacao, Minalabac, and San Fernando, and the second district has the towns of Gainza and Milaor.

Libmanan is Rep. Arroyo’s adopted town. He is seeking reelection in the new legislative constituency, now denominated as the second district.

What remained in the original first district are the towns of Del Gallego, Ragay, Lupi, Sipocot, and Cabusao.

Budget Secretary Rolando Andaya Jr., who represented the district for nearly nine years, is seeking to reclaim his House seat. The Andayas are from Ragay.

The present second district becomes the third district and is composed of the remaining towns of Pili, Campo, Camaligan, Canaman, Magarao, Bombon, and Calabanga, and Naga City.

Rep. Luis Villafuerte, author of the law splitting the first district, represents the second (now third) district.

The third district becomes the fourth. It will continue to compose the towns of Caramoan, Garchitorena, Goa, Lagonoy, Presentacion, Sangay, San Jose, Tigaon, Tinambac, and Siruma.

The fourth district becomes fifth. Like the fourth, its composition -- Iriga City and the towns of Baao, Bato, Buhi, Bula, and Nabua – remains intact.

Secretary Andaya, a lawyer, said if he and Rep. Arroyo win on May 10, they would both lose their congressional seats if the Supreme Courts declares the splitting of the first district as unconstitutional.

Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and Naga City Mayor Jesse Robredo have asked the Supreme Court to invalidate the division of the first district for failing to meet the population requirement.

Local officials, led by Gov. Luis Raymond Villafuerte, Rep. Villafuerte’s son, initially opposed the splitting of the first district because they wanted a general redistricting of the province, which they said was entitled to six districts, instead of five.

In their letter to the Senate, they said Rep. Villafuerte’s bill would cripple the existing first district in terms of population.

“The remaining towns of Del Gallego, Lupi, Ragay, Sipocot, and Cabusao have a combined population of 176,383, 30 percent short of the population requirement prescribed by the Constitution,” they said.

When Rep. Villafuerte’s bill was pending in the Senate, Aquino had suggested that all the existing districts be reconstituted so that each would hurdle the population standard and the province would be entitled to six, instead of five districts. But his suggestion was ignored.

As my friend from Minalabac puts it colorfully, "gurang nang komedyante, nasuwi sa entablado."

Blogs, Personal

ATTY CHE Carpio, in his latest column, channels Shakespeare in his defense. But I don't think the Bard of Avon will be of any help -- to one who is engaged in the selective use of data to support his preconceived notion.

A clear case of intellectual dishonesty.

And unfortunately for Bicol Mail, its editorial writer swallowed Che's propaganda hook, line and sinker in its latest broadside against the city government.

This compelled me to fire the following rejoinder (which benefited from a little tightening), with cc: to the Vox Bikol staff.

Dear Attorney Carpio,

I am amused by your latest column entitled "The insolence of office."

1. I don't think even Shakespeare can help you mask the fact that you have cherry-picked your data to support a tenuous claim. This is a clear case of intellectual dishonesty.

2. You may be entitled to your own opinion, but definitely not your own set of facts. In support of the quote from the report (summary) which I highlighted in my previous email, you surely must have seen the Final Credit Rating Report and the accompanying spreadsheet comparing the Philippine cities covered by the pilot World Bank project on rating Philippine cities, which I emailed to Julma (Narvadez) per your request.

Only a biased columnist driven by the need to cherry-pick data favorable to his preconceived opinion will deliberately ignore the report's contents in its entirety. On this note, why doesn't Vox Bikol publish the main text of the (whole) Credit Rating Report so that its readers can judge for themselves who is really engaged in spinning lies and half-truths? Let's see if Fr. Wilmer Tria will be up to it.:)

3. I don't think disparaging the Standard and Poor's methods will help you get out of this mess. Not happy with its message, so you now want to shoot the messenger? Is this how a "liberal" strives to find the truth?

4. Finally, nice try on that SPUKOI issue to muddle our conversation; Rolly Campillos of the Urban Poor Affairs Office (UPAO) is more competent to clarify that matter. But no, let's stick to the topic, please; the least that will come out of it is the education of Bicol Mail's editorial writer who swallowed your propaganda hook, line and sinker.:)

As I am writing this, Julma emailed she will take up my request with her editor, Eric Lagdameo.

But just in case Vox Bikol decides it's not up to the challenge -- which would have been a great contribution to Ateneo de Naga University's ongoing Philosophy Week celebration -- the internets, courtesy of Scribd, should do just fine.
Credit FA_Naga_ Final 31July09

Blogs, Personal

Bloody Trail towards 2010 Election
Patrick I. Patino
Vote for Peace 2010
11 January 2010

The year 2009 ended splattering with blood the road towards the May 10, 2010 election. The whole year of 2009 recorded a total of 33 election-related violent incidents. Conventional security observers would readily say the numbers are insignificant in the context of the whole year round and too early to conclude that the incidents are election-related as there might be other factors or motives of the acts of violence.

The numbers may be insignificant but something to be taken seriously especially if one has to look beyond the numbers. The acts of violence are planned with clear targets and clearly election-related.

Of the number of incidents, there are 84 fatalities and 40 wounded. The high number of fatalities shows that the objective of the acts is not simply to sow fear but to kill. Especially that among the victims, twenty-two are politicians (13 killed and 9 wounded) planning to run in the election; 9 security aides of the politician-victims (7 killed and two wounded). Other victims are active supporters, allies and political operators of politicians. Election officers were also targeted with 2 dead and 2 wounded.

Civilians comprise the bigger number of victims (58 fatalities and 27 wounded) but less than five of these are accidental victims or were caught in the crossfire. The majority of them were also targeted and acts of violence against them were planned. The fatalities were mostly victims of the heinous massacre last Nov. 23 in Ampatuan town in Maguindanao perpetrated by the political warlords – the Ampatuans. Most of the wounded were victims of grenade throwing and strafing at the line of voter registrants that occurred simultaneously on the same day in Lanao del Sur.

By geographical distribution, the island of Luzon accounts for 15 incidents, while the Visayas had 6 and 12 in Mindanao. In Luzon, majority of the incidents were in Masbate, Isabela and Quezon. Samar island contributed most of the incidents in the Visayas. In Mindanao, most of the incidents were from Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur and North Cotabato.

Does the above mean a violent and bloody scenario in the months going to the election? Others hope that the number of incidents in 2009 will reduce the number of incidents during the 2010 election period as political scores have been settled “unfortunately in a violent way.”

Others may say, that looking the above information the other way is pessimism or sowing fear. The intent here is to call all concerned to act on the matter.

The last quarter of 2009 alone had 16 incidents of the total 33 the whole year. Does this mean that while election fever heats up, hot blood for violence also boils high?

The problem is that contributing factors of election violence remain. For a number of traditional politicians and vested interests, election is not about competition for position but a war for political power. Political dynasties and warlords still abound
and election is the time for expanding political turf and/or settling old score among warring political clans. Despite the PNP campaign last year to control the proliferation of loose firearms, there is an estimated 700,000 unlicensed firearms all over the country. There are 170 private armed groups the police force is running after outside of the other armed criminal groups and political armed groups whose services are readily available to violence-oriented candidates and political operators.

The 2010 National and Local Election is a historical period for the Filipino people. The election is about re-strengthening electoral democracy and more importantly looking forward to the next decade. Elections can be fair and free without violence and coercion. It is time to exact political and electoral costs to the perpetrators of violence and charge them of the consequences of their actions like the Ampatuans of Maguindanao and former Abra Gov. Vicente Valera. All election stakeholders and centers of legitimization like the Bishops, the Ulamas, the police hierarchy, the election officials, the media, the academe, the private sector and civil society formations should join efforts at containing election conflict and violence. Everyone must go beyond partisan interest and call the attention of all candidates and parties to play according to election and security rules. xxxx

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JOJO OCONER & CIARA ANNA SOTTO

M a n i l a   P o l o   C l u b   P h i l i p p i n e s

Gown / { Mich Dulce }. Make Up / { Lala Flores } . Flowers / { Margarita Fores } . Video / { Threelogy }

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{ E N D }

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THROUGH my Newswires widget. I came across this Vox Bikol column by Atty. Jose Maria "Che" Carpio. The article is taking issue with the 2009 State of the City Report of the Robredo administration, which can be accessed here.

To set the records straight, I sent him the following email:

"Dear Attorney Carpio,

"I just read your Vox Bikol column, which raises the question: "Is 'Intermediate' the 'Best'?”

"I cannot fault you for taking a negative stance on the matter. It's the classic hall-full glass: in your effort to find fault with the city government, you have chosen to ignore the obvious, which I am quoting below. Funny how you can miss this when it is found on the very same page quoted in your column.

The overall FMA score of ‘Intermediate’ for Naga City reflects its moderately developed level of financial reporting and fairly high level of disclosure, adequate performance in annual budgeting and debt management skills which are more sophisticated than most local peers. On the other hand, the score takes into account the basic practices of Naga in elements of FMA like expenditure management and medium-term planning.

Notably, Naga City’s overall FMA score is the highest among assessed Philippines LGUs to date, reflecting the city’s more balanced developments in its FMA practices for most key areas, as opposed to some local peers who may demonstrate sound practices in certain elements such as revenue management, but at the same time scoring poorly in other areas like debt management, budgeting etc. Nevertheless, the Naga city government’s lack of computerization in most aspects of financial management such as annual budgeting, financial reporting, tax collection and disbursement have emerged as a constraint on these respective scores. A comprehensive computerization of the city’s system could potentially see improvement in Naga’s overall FMA and individual element scores. (Underscoring mine)

"So, to answer your question, an "Intermediate" score is the best among Philippine LGUs according to that S&P report. But you opted not to see that, and would not accept it, because you chose to see the glass half-empty, as you always have with the city government."

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TV INFOMERCIALS of the leading presidentiables suddenly flooding the airwaves last night forced me to check their platforms, whose links Manolo conveniently put up here.

After reading through them, I felt somewhat like Cuba Gooding, Jr's Rod Tidwell character in Jerry Maguire and shout at Noynoy Aquino, Manny Villar, Gibo Teodoro and Dick Gordon: "Show me the money!"

C'mon, guys! You're promising us heaven (especially Manny Villar, who proclaims he will finally write finis to poverty as we know it). But from the looks of it, whoever wins will be so cash-strapped his administration wouldn't even have enough money to support the current level of basic government programs and services.

I did some pencil pushing using data on the proposed 2010 national budget, which can be found at the DBM website. You can see for yourselves the tables, including my notes, assumptions and computations, which I uploaded as a Google spreadsheet. Sheet 4 contains the table reproduced above.

Assuming my calculations are accurate, the incoming administration, when it prepares its first budget proposal for 2011, will barely have P125 billion left to fund P174 billion worth of other obligations in the 2010 budget, assuming these are carried over next year.

This "free resource" -- arrived at after taking out personal services (salaries and wages for government employees, which will be pushed upwards by at least P50 billion annually over the next four years, thanks but no thanks to the Salary Standardization 3 law), the allocation to local governments (including their Internal Revenue Allotment or IRA), debt servicing, pension and gratuity for retirees, and the maintenance and other operating expenses for government agencies in the executive, legislative, judiciary and other constitutional offices -- further dwindles to P69 billion in 2012, and to only P9 billion in 2013.

What are these other obligations? Table II-2, which details the Special Purpose Funds included in the budget, includes the following:

• Budgetary Support to Government Corporations, which include GOCCs like the National Food Authority; specialized hospitals like the Lung, Kidney, Heart and Children Center; the Philippine Convention and Visitors Center; the Philippine National Railways; the housing agencies NHA, NHMFC and Home Guaranty Corporation; Cultural Center of the Philippines; and research instituions like the PIDS and the DAP.
• AFP Modernization Program
• Calamity Fund
• DepEd-School Building Program
• E-Government Fund
• International Commitments Fund, and
• the Priority Development Assistance Fund, more popularly known as the pork barrel of the Senate and the House

And this assumes that government is able to fully fund its annual expenditure program; in other words, the BIR, the Bureau of Customs and the LTO are finally able to meet their annual revenue targets. Otherwise, it will continue to finance these deficits (which reached P234 billion in 2008 and should easily breach P300 in 2009) through another borrowing binge. Which will of course add more pressure on our debt position.

Several questions therefore I would like to ask our esteemed presidentiables:

1. Given these constraints, how are you going to fund the programs you committed to undertake in your respective platforms, particularly the money-draining populist ones intended to win you votes?

2. How will you plug the deficit, which will surely plague your administration?

3. If it is by raising more revenues, what new taxes will you certify to Congress as urgent? Which government properties will you sell or privatize? And what makes you think you will squeeze out more of BIR, BOC and LTO and other revenue generating arms of the national government?

4. If it is by reducing costs, which agencies will face the chopping block first?

It's time to cut through the bull, guys.

We deserve better than the motherhoods you've been serving up so far.

Show us the money, baby!

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January 25, 3pm. Book Launching. Richie Fernando Hall, ADNU. Published Ateneo de Naga University Press.
Please do come.

Blogs, Personal

HOPE AND WAIT WITH PERSEVERANCE
“…if we hope for what we do not see, with perseverance we wait eagerly for it. (Rom 8,25)


A Pastoral Letter of the Archbishop of Caceres
On the Forthcoming Philippine Elections 2010


INTRODUCTION

As we celebrate the motherhood of Mary, we reflect on her faith and how her role in God’s plan. As the Mother of Christ, she is also the mother of the Church. Devotees of Our Lady of Peñafrancia know this by heart. Thus, we lovingly call her Ina.

It is indeed fitting that the solemnity of the Motherhood of Mary is celebrated on the first day of the year. Ina is our hope and our refuge. As we begin another year, we are filled with new hope because we know that our Ina continues to journey with us.

This year, the national and local elections also signal new hope. It is an opportunity for our people to express their will and to contribute in charting the country’s future. Indeed, democratic processes are meant to uphold the dignity of the people and to lead every person towards a significant participation in the community.

The technology of automation gives us reason to be optimistic that the election will reflect the people’s true will. We are hopeful that through this automation, fraud in the counting of votes will be appropriately addressed and minimized. By their vote, the people entrust the reins of government and their votes bear their hope for a better future.

But this hope for a better future needs to be coupled with a commitment to vote for leaders who will promote the common good. Elections emphasize the sovereignty of the people. To vote is not only a duty as citizens but as believers of Christ.

Every person, when casting his or her vote, makes a moral decision where the welfare of the people is at stake. The lives of the poor and marginalized, the pursuit of justice and peace, the progress and development of our country – they are shaped by the decisions made on election day.

Time and again, the Church has called upon the faithful to follow their conscience so they may cast a meaningful vote. The faithful must not allow the election to be a battle of campaign slogans and media exposure. The hope for new beginnings cannot be pinned on impressions but rooted in fortified conscience.

To follow one’s conscience requires enlightened conscience. It must be attended by a pursuit of truth, and a discernment of God’s message in concrete circumstances. When minds understand the realities of the present and when hearts are attuned to God’s will for all His children, the people’s vote can truly pave the way for a country where common good is the vocation of its leaders and where democracy leads to the integral development of the people.

It is therefore crucial for every faithful citizen to truly understand the political situation of our country.

The Political Landscape in the Philippines

In Rerum Novarum issued in 1891, the Church has denounced the concentration of power upon a small number of very rich men who “lay upon the laboring poor a yoke a little better than that of slavery itself.” (RN, 3) This aptly describes the evil of oligarchy.

Sadly, this situation persists in our country. Philippine politics has all the characteristics of an oligarchy.

Our country’s democracy is a mere semblance of real democracy. The basic freedoms seem to be present such as the freedom of speech, freedom of association and religious freedom. But the most important freedom – the freedom to be an empowered people – remains to be a dream. When the majority is not equipped with an empowering freedom, there can be no genuine participation from the people.

This empowering freedom is elusive because majority of Filipinos live below poverty line. There can be no government of the people, for the people, by the people if almost all Filipinos are poor. Poverty deprives our people the opportunity to develop their potentials, renders them incapable to participate in public affairs and denies them the primacy of the people in a democracy.

The rule of handful elite families negates democracy. Democracy and oligarchy cannot co-exist. The long-standing poverty of the majority of the people is a continuing result of oligarchy. This is evident in our provinces. The stronger the oligarchic powers in a locality, the poorer are the people.

The national and local governments are run by handful elite families of around 300 in the whole country. According to the latest Social System survey, only one percent of the total Philippine population belong to the ruling class that craft the social, political and economic life of the country. On the other hand, only 9% belong to the middle class while the great majority, 90% of the population, belong to the lower class.

The ruling class enjoys more than half of the nation’s wealth. They rule the country by provinces, congressional districts, cities and municipalities. Their hometowns are their political bailiwicks. They allocate political power unto themselves. The consequence: a proliferation of political dynasties and politicians clinging onto power either directly or indirectly.

Behold some of the striking features of an oligarchic politics:

Election Fraud and Violence. Illegal voter registration, intimidation and undue pressure of voters, vote buying and vote rigging (dagdag-bawas) are prevalent in both local and national elections. Election-related violence such as killings, kidnappings, physical attacks on rallies, homes, offices and vehicles of candidates and supporters are widespread. Intimidation, coercion and harassment usually precede the physical violence. Ruling families build up private armies and hire goons not only for protection but also for intimidating opponents. The Plaza Miranda Bombing in 1971, the murder of Evelio Javier in 1986, the murderous rivalry of the Espinosa’s and the Kho’s in Masbate are examples of the worsening election violence. On November 23, 2009, the world witnessed the worst election-related violence and it happened in Maguindanao..

Costly Campaigns. Campaigns become more expensive when competition becomes unduly intense, when economic stakes are high and when electorate continue to expand due to population growth. Tri-media advertisements are used not only during the campaign period but every single day. Personalities and celebrities are paid millions to endorse candidates as if the candidacy is a merchandize of consumer product. Vote-buying is given a sizable budget in any campaign, as if it were a legitimate expense. Campaigns are bankrolled by businessmen making candidates vulnerable to business interests at the expense of the common good. Heavy spending is done by the government to prop up administration candidates who seek re-election or election to other posts.

Political Turncoatism. Turncoatism or the switching from one party to another is another feature of Philippine politics. With the absence of marked differences in ideology, platforms and programs, shifting allegiances are commonplace. Political leaders easily jump from one party to another because their choices are centered on personalities rather than on platforms and programs. Factors considered are: party resources, winnability and networks. An ally can be an enemy the following day, not because of solid principles but only for political expediency and convenience. This indicates an absence of true ideals. Political parties are not institutions of ideologies and values but are mere machineries to facilitate campaign.

Quid Pro Quo Politics. What binds or unbinds our political leaders is quid pro quo politics. “Something for something.” Quid pro quo politics is also called transactional politics because governmental powers and authority are used for undeserved gain. Political leaders enter into arrangements with other politicians, deals that will benefit both of them. This exchange of favors is self-serving; it is detrimental to common good. Quid pro quo politics pollute the integrity of government institutions because checks and balances are undermined. These are instances when the chief executive exchanges favors with legislators. The examples are legion: scam in different branches of government, the circumvention of laws and the failure to prosecute graft and corrupt practices are abetted by quid pro quo politics. The fertilizer scams, the ZTE deal, the questionable creation of new congressional districts are but recent manifestations of this political culture among political leaders.

Extrajudicial Killings. Extrajudicial killings include “disappearances” where people are abducted, never heard from again and a body is never located. The killings’ desired impact is fear, paralysis and the breakdown of organizations that are vocal in its opposition and efficient in mobilizing public protest. Most of the victims are members of genuine party-list organizations such as Bayan Muna, Anak Pawis and Gabriela. The establishment of the party list system enabled sectoral groups to be represented in Congress. Their increased electoral success has posed a credible threat to the domination of the ruling class. According to Human Rights Watch, 110 members of party-list members have been killed in 2001 to 2006. In Bicol, students of Bicol University, Camarines Norte State College and Aquinas University have been killed in 2006 and 2007. Their killings have been linked to their membership with the League of Filipino Students.

Power Hoarding. Perpetuating one’s self in elective posts has been a tradition among many political leaders. Many incumbent politicians endorse bench warmers when they reach term limits. This way, they can easily reclaim their posts after three years. Others simply shift from the executive branch to the legislative branch such as from being governor to congressman or mayor to congressman and vice-versa.

HOPE IN THESE TROUBLED TIMES

The seemingly insurmountable issues of our political landscape have caused many Filipinos to focus on personal godliness and to distance from communal responsibility. Indeed, hopelessness has crept in and has weakened the Filipino spirit.

Our faith calls us to look upon the cross that redeems us. In Spe Salvi, Pope Benedict XVI said that to have faith is to hope. Jesus’ teachings represented a serious political challenge to the authorities of His day and for that, they crucified Him. But His faithfulness to the Father has revealed to us God’s perfect love. Accepting our responsibility towards our brothers and sisters is a public expression of our faith. To continue to hope for peace, justice and equality of human dignity is faithfulness to the Father’s will.

Hope for People Empowerment. Aristotle, in his book Politics, called democracy the best form of government. However, he pointed out that there can only be democracy where the majority comes from the middle class because virtue can only breed in people who are neither so rich nor so poor. The wide gap between the rich and the poor obstructs authentic democracy because a master and slave relationship reigns between the leaders and the citizens.

With a vast number of Filipinos, generation after generation, living under massive poverty and with the handful elite running the country, we must admit in humility that there is no genuine democracy. There is an urgent need to confront this truth so we can hope for the right kind of change.

To hope for democracy is to hope for the creation of a middle class. And the middle class can only be created when there is genuine people empowerment.

The middle class, as poetically described by PCP II, “is neither so poor that they have nothing to give nor so rich that they have nothing to receive.” But more than income and resources, the middle class is identified by their attitude towards and participation in society. The middle class has the means to be self-reliant and can break away from mendicancy or dependence from the ruling elite. The middle class is an empowered people who can positively influence the social, political and economic life of our nation.

Rerum Novarum affirms the dignity of the working class and defends the right to private property, to organize associations, to just wage and just working conditions, as well as the right to religious freedom. These rights must be respected to provide an environment conducive to people empowerment. Populorum Progressio affirms that authentic development must be complete, that is, it must promote the good of every person and of all humanity. Pope Paul VI beautifully stated that: “…there can be no complete development of individuals without the simultaneous development of all humanity in the spirit of solidarity.” (PP, 43) On helping the poor, he firmly commented: “You are not making a gift of your possessions to the poor person. You are handing over to him what is his. For what has been given in common for the use of all, you have arrogated to yourself. The world is given to all, and not only to the rich.” (PP, 23)

Therefore, I invite you to reflect together as ecclesial communities how you can contribute to people empowerment and the creation of the middle class through education, capital and ownership in the light of the Church’s social teachings.

Schools can expand scholarship programs as a concrete response. Educational institutions should include programs that will enhance special and competitive skills that can assist the poor to generate income to fend for their families. The culture of dependence can be at least minimized if the poor can find in themselves the capacity to conquer their own poverty. Schools must equip the poor to be creative so they may become productive citizens of society.

Those who are engaged in evangelization can uplift the dignity of the poor by making them aware of the nexus between poverty and political maturity and engaging them towards concrete actions that will integrate them into society. At the end of the day, evangelization cannot be complete when it is found only in motherhood statements. Jesus’ message is not limited to personal morality. The cross does not only look up and down at the morality of each individual human life, but also looks across the horizon of collective and social responsibilities of human lives. Evangelization must strengthen its prophetic voice and find relevance in the context of our people and the many issues that undermine human dignity.

Many government institutions remain silent about the right to private ownership, the reason why the people remain to be property-less. The right to shelter has been responded to by providing temporary dwelling, contingent upon the re-election of the incumbent and his allies. Through evangelization that teaches God’s will for an abundant life for His children, the poor will be led to an appreciation for the value of paying what is necessary to guarantee private ownership across generations. Payment in the form of blind loyalty or unreasonable debt of gratitude to the incumbent perpetuates patronage politics and holds hostage human dignity.

Those in the social development sector must endeavour to promote self-reliance among the poor. It has been proven that dole-outs breed dependence and subvert efforts to uphold the equal dignity of men. Social development programs must respond not only to the apparent needs of the community but must look into the structures that prevent authentic development. These programs must then provide venue for meaningful participation in the community, with the overarching goal to empower the people and assist them bring about their own advancement. Social development programs must aim to create an environment that will allow all men to fully develop and live as God’s children.

Civil society must assist in halting the vicious cycle of dependence by providing venues for people to associate and become more aware of the movements that impact their lives. Analysis of and understanding social, economic and political forces will help our people to position themselves against insults to their dignity. Filipinos must have the ability to distinguish between values and events that promote their empowerment and those that lure them into continued dependence. Only when we possess such clear distinction can we move towards true people power and democracy.

Hope for Social Justice. While people empowerment is an essential requisite for democracy, the virtue required to create and nourish democracy is social justice. The equal dignity of human persons necessisates the effort to reduce excessive social and economic inequalities.

Bridging the gap between the rich and poor, the powerful and the marginalized, the elite and the lower class – this is the essence of social justice.

As prescribed by Pope Pius XI in his encyclical Quadragessimo Anno, social justice is a virtue which requires personal responsibility to transform social institutions. This virtue calls for a commitment to social change. However, many social ills hinder the concern for our society. Among them are individualism, consumerism and materialism. These ills lead to the escalation of sinful inequalities.

When we are concerned only about our family’s welfare, when we accumulate material possessions excessively even if through legal means, when our lives are measured by the income and properties we acquire, we create greater inequality between rich and poor. To be socially just, we must stop caring only for ourselves and justifying our indifference by saying that after all, we do not step on another man’s shoes. We must begin looking at our lives as a member of our community.

The founding of the Kapatiran Party is evidence that there are among our lay faithful who are committed to their role as members of the Church in the society. In the Kapatiran Party, we find among our lay faithful a deep concern to restore integrity in politics and a sense of community among our people. This concern could only be inspired by their faith. Their participation in the 2010 elections may be an uphill battle but it is a concrete sign that the hope for social justice is alive.

Social justice, however, can only be fully realized if the state recognizes it, when the right social and economic order is established by the supreme authority in society. Without these structures, social justice is impossible in our country.

We need to examine the source of the discrimination of the poor and marginalized so social justice can be truly present as a feature of government. Through active engagement and solidarity, we can open new paths towards a society that respects the equal of the dignity of the rich and poor, the powerful and the marginalized. But we need to start with ourselves by asking how we can effect change.

Gaudium et Spes urges for civic and political formation so that all citizens can play their part in the life of the political community. All citizens, most especially the youth, must learn the art of politics to work for the common good and fight all forms of injustice and tyranny, as well as arbitrary domination by an individual or a political party. (GS, 75)

We need to build and enrich civil societies. Free associations guarantee the well-being of the society. Civil society must find a voice because when power is in the hands of a few although able and competent, social justice will not prevail.

Social justice as a virtue can be expressed in many ways. When we bring to the public forum the condemnation of prostitution, jueteng, illegal logging and quarrying; when we hold our political leaders accountable for graft and corrupt practices, lavish lifestyles and abuse of power; when we organize ourselves to protect religious rights, the integrity of families and the life of the unborn, every time we exercise our civil and political rights to perform our duty towards the common good, we practice social justice.

Social justice is charity that has matured and deepened as a public response to Jesus’ message. Charity does not end in providing material goods. It demands even the provision of conditions that will enable the people to obtain what is due them in the light of the Gospel.

I make this special appeal to the businessmen and entrepreneurs to look to higher values than profit. Quadragessimo Anno states that “Every effort must therefore be made that fathers of families receive a wage large enough to meet ordinary family needs adequately. But if this cannot always be done under existing circumstances, social justice demands that changes be introduced as soon as possible whereby such a wage will be assured to every adult workingman.” (GA, 71) Here, the Church has made the distinction between minimum wage and living wage.

I call upon the capitalists to aspire for profitability with genuine care for the welfare of their workers. “Business management cannot concern itself only with the interests of the proprietors, but must also assume responsibility for all the other stakeholders who contribute to the life of the business.” (CV, 40) True relevance of business undertakings is found in ensuring that the enterprise is a means to serve common good.

Hope for the Kingdom of God. When Pope Pius XI instituted the feast of Christ the King in 1925, he called upon Christians to recognize only one King and one Kingdom: Christ and God’s Kingdom. To mature in our faith, we must clearly distinguish between the kingdom of man and the kingdom of God. The exercise of rights, the lay faithful’s participation in the public square and partisan politics must not be motivated by patronage and subservience to any political leader in the building of human and personal kingdoms, but in the building of God’s kingdom on earth.

God invites us to His Kingdom, not only as a future reward but as a present reality. Far from the kingdom of men that hinges on authority and power, God’s kingdom is a kingdom of harmony and love. We seek God’s kingdom by responding to Jesus’ message, by orienting our lives to the Gospel. The Gospel calls us to search for the ways so God’s presence will be witnessed in the world.

As believers, it is our mission to fully understand the richness and beauty of His Kingdom and be fully engaged in building this kingdom on earth. All our efforts for people empowerment, all our struggles for social justice find fullness and meaning when they lead us to the kingdom of God.

To make present the kingdom of God, political leadership must be a means to serve the people, especially the poor. Leaders must be measured by their sacrifices for the welfare of the people. Wealth and material resources are mere tools so each person may serve the other. All human capacities are shared for the good of the community so God’s will can prevail.

In human and personal kingdoms, society is ruled by selfishness, dishonesty, distrust, and enmities. In this kingdom, man hoards power and wields it unjustly, as we can see in our present context. The greed for power and wealth in the midst of abject poverty, the relentless pursuit for self-gratification, the exploitation of institutions and disrespect for law - they persist because man prefers to create his own kingdom; and followers of this kingdom fail to see that this kingdom is nothing compared to God’s kingdom.

When our sight is not set on seeking the Kingdom of God, all our labours are designed upon our own individual self-centered will. The marginalized will continue to be disadvantaged, the poor will only become poorer and the oppressed will never find justice.

When we hope for a better future, for a better society, we hope for the kingdom of God and to see God’s light shine through. To establish His Kingdom, we must fully engage in investing on moral treasure and not material treasure, in restoring a social order that respects the primacy of human dignity and in building the moral well-being of our country.

To continuously engage in building God’s kingdom, we must be equipped with love. We become open to sacrifice, to deny our selfishness and pride, to decide for common good, when we are motivated by love. The just ordering of society can only be possible when we are filled with love for God and for our brothers and sisters. “Love is rich in intelligence and intelligence is full of love.” (CV, 30)

CONCLUSION

God so loved each and every one of us that He put us in a community. He calls us to be His people not as individuals, without bond or link, but by making us into a single people – His family. Our membership in His family demands a sense of responsibility for each other as brothers and sisters. Our aspiration of a better life is meaningless if it does not include that of our brothers and sisters. We cannot call it a better life if we are blind to the poverty and injustice all around us. But in the same breath, we must not surrender to the poverty and injustice just because they are systemic and deeply entrenched in our society. There are many opportunities to conquer them.

The coming elections can be a fresh start in our hope for a better future. But as any opportunity, we must be prepared to embark on the journey despite our fears and limitations, trusting that God, the source of all good, will not forsake us.

In order for the election to mark a new beginning, we must accord it with sincerity and understanding that the change of leaders does not mean a change of systems. We may elect new leaders but it does not guarantee an end to the scams and corruption. We must hope for the right change so genuine transformation can take place.

We need to create and strengthen the middle class before we can witness genuine democracy. Empowerment of the people is best reflected by a vibrant middle class that will move the country towards social justice. Imbued with a social conscience, the middle class will champion the equitable distribution of wealth, lead the collapse of oligarchy and advance social justice. The quest for social justice finds true motive, inspiration and fulfilment in building God’s kingdom on earth.

People empowerment and social justice is not a work of one man, or even one administration. It is the work of one people – the people of God – that are in different human institutions and sectors of society: in the family, the Church, the schools, the business sector and government.

By our baptism, we have been tasked a prophetic role: to see, judge and act. We must be vigilant at all times. We need to see and understand the long-standing suffering of our people. We must make judgments, not only opinions. We need to discern and identify the evil that has caused our society to continuously suffer. Finally, we must make a move.

We need to denounce the evil by making the kingdom of God present in our lives and in our institutions.

A keen understanding of the causes of our misery and a conviction to rise above it will equip us as we bring about the transformation that we truly need and deserve as a Filipino nation.

In Mary’s Magnificat, Ina echoes God’s promise of His Kingdom. It is a Kingdom where the poor are no longer powerless. It is a Kingdom where: “He has cast down the mighty from their thrones and has lifted up the lowly.” (Luke 1:52) Her Magnificat moves us to be a constituency of the kingdom of God and not of the kingdom of man.

Upon all I impart my New Year’s blessing.


+ LEONARDO Z. LEGASPI, O.P.,D.D.
Archbishop of Caceres

January 1, 2010

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